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 说几句林思云先生的小评张纯如 |
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作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
读到老芦的《让世界知道──悼张纯如女士》，才知道林思云先生又有评论张纯如的大作问世。特意到楼下看了看，不禁摇头。感觉老芦的“毒眼”真是厉害，多年以前关于林先生诡辩的评论，“并不是他思维粗疏，而是刻意为之”，也是我读他评论的感觉。
张纯如《南京大屠杀》一书问世至今，林先生写了多篇评论，想来是读过这本书，很熟悉其内容的了。然而林先生评论给我的印象却是，他要么是没有读过张纯如的书，根本不了解其内容就信口开河；要么就是故意不提张纯如书中列举的事实，以断章取义的方式误导读者。
下面是一个例子：
张有关日本的叙述C：“在德国，如果教师在历史课上删去大屠杀部分，
将是违法行为，而日本人在几十年来一直把课本中南京大屠杀的材料有
系统地清除得一干二净。他们从博物馆拿走南京大屠杀的照片，销毁原
始的资料，从大众文化中抹去任何关于大屠杀的痕迹。”
张女士显然从来没有看过日本的课本。我亲眼看过好几种日本的中学课
本，里面都有关于“南京事件”或“南京大屠杀”的介绍。也正是因为
日本的课本有这样的内容，后来才有右翼提出要修改教科书。日本NHK
拍摄的历史系列片《20世纪的映像》，也提到了南京大屠杀的问题。
林思云所引张纯如的话，翻译不够准确。英文原文是 the Japanese have for decades systematically purged references to the Nanking massacre from their textbooks. 意即，“日本人有系统地将南京大屠杀的材料剔除出教科书，达几十年”。林先生的引文，多了“清除得一干二净”几个字，让人以为目前的日本教科书完全不提南京大屠杀，这不是张纯如的意思。在她的书里面，张就明白指出，1982年以后，日本人再也不能在教科书中忽略南京大屠杀了。
那么，日本人是否在几十年间从教科书中剔除南京大屠杀呢?
张纯如在她书里面为此提供了证据。林思云先生批驳张纯如的时候，显然忘了告诉我们一件事----张书第十章专门辟了一个整小节，花了五页的篇幅，介绍日本教科书问题的来龙去脉。
她提到，在20世纪60-70年代，相当长的时间，由于官方审查限制，日本教科书极少提及南京大屠杀。60年代，当历史学家家永三郎在自己编著的教科书送审文本中，提到南京大屠杀等史实的时候，日本文部省却要求他改写其中关于屠杀的描述，删除有关日军强奸妇女的说法。理由是，不能让读者以为日军单方面屠杀中国人，而强暴妇女各时代战争都有，不能单提日军如何，等等。家永三郎不服，向法院控诉文部省，打了30多年的官司。
家永诉讼唤起了更多人关注教科书问题。终于，到了1982年，历史来到了一个转折点。这一年日本文部省对送审的历史教科书进行的大量修改，招致了亚洲国家的广泛抗议。当时的日本内阁官房长官宫泽喜一发表谈话，承认了错误，许诺改正，并且把要照顾同邻近亚洲国家关系这一精神作为日本政府审定教科书的基准之一，即所谓“邻近国家条款”。从这以后，南京大屠杀、慰安妇等问题，才进入了绝大多数教科书之中。
林思云批张纯如，绝口不提张书对教科书问题历史源流的叙述，不提六七十年日本官方要求把南京大屠杀从教科书中删除或加以改写的史实，却以90年代以后他所看到的日本教科书状况，去否认张纯如关于几十年间日本曾力图将南京大屠杀剔除出教科书的说法。我觉得这属于地地道道的诡辩，会误导那些没有读过张书的人。
林思云的其他评论，大抵属于这种类型。他说张没有提供证据的地方，其实在张书里都有证据。感觉上, 林先生象是假设他的读者都没有读过张的书，开口的时候忒大胆了一些。
附录：
张纯如《南京大屠杀》中关于教科书问题的章节
THE TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSY
Perhaps one of the most sinister aspects of the malaise in Japanese education is the deliberate obstruction of important historical information about World War II through textbook censorship.
Almost from birth, Japanese children fight for footholds in the slippery pyramid of education, striving to reach the tip, which is admission to Todai, or Tokyo University. There are cram elementary schools to get into the right high school, where kids study from 9:00 P.M. to 6:00 A.M.; cram preparatory kindergartens to ensure admission into the right elementary school; even exclusive maternity wards that guarantee babies a ticket into the right nursery school.
But despite the "examination hell" for which the Japanese are famous, what do their schoolchildren learn about World War II?
Very little, as it turns out. The entire Japanese education system suffers from selective amnesia, for not until 1994 were Japanese schoolchildren taught that Hirohito's army was responsible for the deaths of at least 20 million Allied soldiers and Asian civilians during World War II. In the early 1990s a newspaper article quoted a Japanese high school teacher who claimed that his students were surprised to learn that Japan had been at war with the United States. The first thing they wanted to know was who won.
How does this happen? All textbooks used in Japan's elementary and secondary schools must first be approved by the Japanese Ministry of Education. Critics in Japan note that social studies textbooks come under the heaviest scrutiny. For example, in 1977 the Ministry of Education reduced a section on World War II within a standard history book of several hundred pages to only six pages, which consisted mainly of pictures of the American firebombing of Tokyo, a picture of the ruins of Hiroshima, and a tally of Japan's war dead. The text neglected to mention the casualties on the other side, Japanese war atrocities, or the forced evacuations of Chinese and Korean prisoners to labor camps in Japan.
Much of this censorship might have gone unchallenged had it not been for the efforts of one brave crusader. In 1965 the Japanese historian Ienaga Saburo sued the Japanese government. This lawsuit was the beginning of a legal battle that would span three decades and gain the backing of thousands of sympathetic Japanese followers.
Those who have met Ienaga are struck by his frailty. The bald octogenarian historian trembles when he walks and his voice is hardly louder than a whisper. But underneath a powerful will is at work.
The Ministry interfered with Ienaga's attempts to document the Nanking massacre for schoolchildren. For example, in his textbook manuscript Ienaga wrote: "Immediately after the occupation of Nanking, the Japanese Army killed numerous Chinese soldiers and citizens. This incident came to be known as the Nanking Massacre." The examiner commented: "Readers might interpret this description as meaning that the Japanese Army unilaterally massacred Chinese immediately after the occupation. This passage should be revised so that it is not interpreted in such a way."
Finally, over Ienaga's protests, the passage was changed to: "While battling the fierce resistance of the Chinese armed forces, the Japanese Army occupied Nanking and killed numerous Chinese soldiers and civilians. This incident came to be known as the Nanking Massacre." That statement may have satisfied textbook censors as a compromise between Ienaga's argument and the ministry's position on the massacre. Unfortunately, the statement is simply not true, because it implies that the massacre occurred in the heat of battle.
The examiner demanded that Ienaga delete his description of the Rape itself, claiming that "the violation of women is something that has happened on every battlefield in every era of human history. This is not an issue that needs to be taken up with respect to the Japanese Army in particular."
Even the word aggression was deemed taboo. "Aggression," the censors wrote, 'is a term that contains negative ethical connotations." The Ministry of Education also bristled at Ienaga's efforts to condemn Japanese wartime behavior. It took offense at the following passage: "The war was glorified as a 'holy war" and the Japanese Army's defeat and their brutal acts on the battlefield were completely concealed. As a result, the majority of the Japanese people were not able to learn the truth and they were placed in a position where they had no choice but to cooperate enthusiastically in this reckless war." The Ministry of Education deleted this passage on the grounds that the expressions "the Japanese Army's brutal acts" and "this reckless war" were "unilateral criticism of Japan's position and actions" during World War II.
In 1970, when he actually won his case ( Sugimoto Ryokichi, the judge for the Tokyo district court, ruled that the screening of textbooks should not go beyond correction of factual and typographical errors), extremists fired off death threats to the defense attorneys, the judge, and Ienaga himself, while thugs kept the scholar awake by banging pots and pans outside his home and screaming slogans. The police had to escort Ienaga and his counsel in and out of court through a secret door.
With the exception of an award that Ienaga received in 1948 (when, he admits, he was "politically tone deaf"), he has been consistently ignored by the official committees that dole out national prizes in history. The historian has won, nevertheless, a place in history itself. The tremendous publicity that Ienaga receives for his efforts arouses foreign protests that force change upon the highly conservative Ministry of Education. By the 1980s years of lawsuits and political activism were beginning to pay off. In 1982 the distortion of the history of the Rape of Nanking in Japanese high school history textbooks had become such a hot issue in Japan that it created an international diplomatic crisis. All four of Japan's major national newspapers carried headlines on the subject. Chinese and Korean officials also filed formal protests, accusing the Japanese of trying to obliterate from memory the history of their aggression to lay the basis for reviving militarism in the younger generation. The Japanese textbook examination council, however, tried to defend itself by telling reporters: "It was not fair to describe the Nanking atrocity in three to five lines while mentioning Soviet or American atrocities against the Japanese in only one line or two."
In the end, the publicity from the textbook controversy accomplished two things. One was the dismissal of Japan's education minister, Fujio Masayuki, who had rigorously defended the ministry's policy of whitewashing World War II history. The second was a heightened awareness inside the ministry that the Nanking massacre was something they could no longer ignore. Before Fujio's dismissal, the National Conference for the Defense of Japan had prepared a right-wing history textbook that summed up the Nanking massacre in this manner: "The battle of Nanking was extremely severe. China has asked Japan to reflect regarding casualties on the part of the Chinese army and civilians." But after Fujio's dismissal, the Ministry of Education rewrote the passage to read: "The battle in Nanking was extremely severe. After Nanking fell, it was reported that the Japanese army killed and wounded many Chinese soldiers and civilians, thus drawing international criticism."
Of course, the issue of textbook censorship is far from over. Rather than denying the massacre outright, some officials in Japan now focus on minimizing its scale. In 1991 screeners at the ministry ordered textbook authors to eliminate all reference to the numbers of Chinese killed during the Rape of Nanking because authorities believed there was insufficient evidence to verify those numbers. Three years later the ministry even forced a textbook author to reduce the number of killings by Japanese soldiers during one day of the Nanking massacre from twenty-five thousand to fifteen thousand people. The original version of the textbook cited a diary account that twenty-five thousand captives were "put away" in a single day. But under pressure from the ministry, the textbook publisher backed down and shortened a quotation from the diary so that it read: "The Sasaki unit disposed of 15,000 people."
作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org |
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