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 重吠关于大陆"商业精英"的政治影响 |
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作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
就楼下谈的大陆中产阶级问题凑个热闹,找篇以前在"思想境界"的书摘来灌水.
本獒赞成用"商业精英""社会贤达"这些词来描述体制外的某些实力阶层,用中产阶级这个外来的空泛概念容易
彼此误解.
按照Margaret Pearson给出的定义,她所谓大陆的"商业新精英"意味着：
1 在先进的部门工作
2 受过良好教育
3 有着远高于人均水平的收入
4 在城市中国享有较高社会地位
她全书的结论：
（在中国）只要精英们的利益被有效满足，国家以协会形式建立的法团主义格局（指利益差异前提下的合作）和以代理人角色建立的（国家与精英间的）协商方式将带来精英对这一种关系的拥护和维持。
夜读抄：Margaret Pearson的《中国新一代商业精英——经济改革的政治效果》
正当钟健夫GG和何清涟JJ在这里就中国中产阶级的政治倾向互拍版砖之际，本看客不禁想起有一个叫Margaret Pearson的蛮女几年前就中国当前商业精英的政治倾向问题制作了一块纸砖，叫China‘s New Economic Elite： The Political Consequences of Economic Reform(加州伯克利砖窑出炉)，关心的问题和钟何两位大侠类似。且待本看客权充一回文化买办，将该蛮女的大作滴灌到此。
才疏学浅，不敢冒译，能用原文就用原文，好在众大虾个个学贯中西，想来不会有问题。
蛮女开篇定义她所谓的中国商业精英为 those who work in the most advanced sectors of the economy, have extremely high levels of education, receive compensation at levels significantly above the national average and who enjoy considerable prestige in urban society (p. 6-7). 她这块纸砖志在回答三个问题：1) Does economic reform alone inevitably lead to political change? 2) What role do the business elite, with their relative autonomy from the state, play in political change? and 3) Is political change moving in the direction of democratization?
蛮女对商业精英中两个据说是享有相当自由和资源的族群作了特别研究：1) foreign sector managers and 2) private entrepreneurs. Foreign sector managers are those individuals, primarily Chinese, who work in Sino-foreign joint ventures, in wholly-owned foreign enterprises, or in representative offices, which operate as agents for large foreign companies (p. 11). Private entrepreneurs are individuals or families who run non-state businesses that do not have foreign investors. Most are relatively small, with fewer than 100 employees and often count the state and local governments as their primary customers (p. 17). 蛮女Pearson声称 if examination shows that the actions of these two groups have not lead to a new pattern of state-society relations, given their considerable autonomy from the state and wealthy status, or if the new pattern is not a democratizing one, then it is unlikely that other less well positioned groups will be able to create a new relationship with the state (p. 2-3). （本看客认为蛮女在这里犯了简单化错误！）
蛮女用三个模型来衡量族群中的国家---社会关系 1) civil society/democratization（市民社会？）, 2) clientelism（代理人关系？）, and 3) socialist corporatism（社会法团主义？）.
蛮女发现，little evidence for the existence of civil society among the business elite noting that business associations that do exist in China are state sanctioned and thus not independent (Civil society is typically defined as a distinctive set of institutions that are separate from the state and serve as a check on state power (p. 25)). 此外，该蛮女还声称there seems to be little desire among the business elite to establish such an independent sector even though its members tend to support both economic and political reforms. 蛮女认为市民社会的概念应只用于西方社会。
相反，蛮女认为俺们商业新精英 tend toward the other two models - clientelism and corporatism. Clientelism is based on the Chinese concept of guanxi in which personal, reciprocal relationships are utilized as a strategy for acquiring resources, obtaining required government approvals and for maintaining their autonomy (p. 33). 她说，Ironically, autonomy is maintained in part by participation in business associations, which are part of a coporatist structure set up by the state to harness the initiative of association members and to serve a mechanism for state control (p. 37). 并且，Often relationships with key government officials are maintained through such associations. These informal affiliations with local officials help prevent the creation of more formal, restrictive rules for business operation and monitoring by the government (p. 108).
此位番姐进一步发现，Despite the necessity of close relationships with government officials, most of those in the business elite have views about economic reform that are distinct from the dominant Party ideology on such matters（呵呵）.
俺很不同意书中的一句话：The views of the business elite tend to be strongly influenced by the degree of their exposure to foreigners. 番姐姐道，They are more market-oriented, favor greater amounts of change, more competition, privatization, and autonomy in the state sector, as well as easier access to foreign exchange and exit visas for business travel than the current government reform plan allows. Foreign sector managers also expressed a desire to be less dependent upon personal relationships in their business dealings (p. 88-89). 她洋洋得意的宣布，for the most part, foreign sector managers see nothing in the world market that they would not want to adopt in China. Recognizing that a more liberal economic policy could actually hurt their businesses, particularly in the short-run, many of the business elite favor proceeding with reforms anyway（看，这就是番姐姐研究的商业精英和何姐姐看到的中产阶级政见之不同！）, believing reform better for the long-run. The youngest members of the business elite tend to have the most liberal attitudes about economic reform and many of the elite believe that greater reform will occur when younger people move into greater positions of power in business and in government (p 91-92).
然而，涉及到这些精英对政治改革的态度，则该蛮女也同样悲观。她叹曰：The attitudes of the business elite towards political reform tend to be less liberal and less well-developed than their economic reform views. few members of the business elite expressed positive views of the Party and felt that the Party should be absent from business dealings. Most expressed a hostile attitude towards what they viewed as politics in general, and a few expressed hostile views towards the Party specifically. 据她老人家的观察，a significant number of the business elite said they chose to work in the foreign to escape politics. （本看客认为这应该没错！）Once again, younger people tended to have the most liberal views about political reform and those who desired the most change on the political front tended to be those who had interned abroad (p. 92-93). Few foreign sector managers said they favored democratization,but in general their attitudes about political reform were not at all concrete (p. 94). 她认为私营企业家的政治观和外企假洋鬼子们的基本差不多， 只有一处不同： foreign sector managers were less inclined to think it was a good idea for the state to be the initiator of reforms than were the private entrepreneurs (p. 97).
番姐姐敲锣打鼓的结论是：the state‘s successful efforts at corporatism through the creation of business associations and the previewence of clientelism as the primary means of negotiation with the state, are likely to result in the maintenance of the current clientelist-corporatist relationship with the state as long the needs of the business elite are effectively met (p. 163，真是巾帼所见略同！). 她当然仍然认为商业精英在未来中国国家—社会的泥巴游戏中将扮演重要角色, 但她认为目前精英们只是躺在已有的社会角色上而想不着去争取点什么。
有人评论，Pearson美眉的结论可推广性过于狭窄，因为她作的族群对象太有限，且被主观的从其他社会阶层中孤立出来研究。Pearson甚至说精英们只会在已有政权瘫痪的前提下起政治作用，而已有政权在近期内瘫痪的可能性并不大，所以精英们就只能谈风论月了耶。
有同学评曰：Pearson在一个方面是正确的： economic reforms will not in and of themselves lead to political reform.但她似乎忽视了加入世贸这一事实会加速精英们对民主的支持。
作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org |
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