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		| 作者 |  纽约时报:六四天安门屠杀赢得的稳定已经成为昨日黄花 |    |   
		| dck 
 
 
 
 
 
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					    | 作者:dck 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org 
 纽约时报:六四天安门屠杀赢得的稳定已经成为昨日黄花
 
 Rumblings From China; [Op-Ed]
 
 Full Text (735 words)
 Copyright New York Times Company Jul 2, 2006
 Nicholas D. Kristof
 
 In the 17 years since the bloody crackdown on the Tiananmen democracy
 movement, China has enjoyed an economic miracle and remarkable
 political
 stability. But my hunch is that that period of smooth sailing is now
 coming
 to an end.
 
 Wildcat protests, some violent and involving thousands of people, have
 been
 exploding around the country. By the Chinese government's own count,
 there
 are now more than 200 protests a day, prompted by everything from
 layoffs to
 government seizures of land.
 
 The protests may grow if, as seems likely, China's economic model
 appears
 less miraculous in the years ahead.
 
 Labor costs are rising, and increased attention to the environment will
 also
 raise production costs. The rapid aging of China's population (a huge
 problem in coming decades) will reduce the labor force's share of the
 population. It's also hard to sustain 10 percent annual growth rates as
 the
 base becomes steadily larger.
 
 All this is likely to mean somewhat lower growth ahead. Some low-wage
 manufacturing jobs may move to cheaper countries like Vietnam, Pakistan
 and
 Bangladesh.
 
 Job shortages already anger newly minted university graduates. So even
 a
 modest slowing of China's growth rate would mean more economic
 frustration
 for people to protest about.
 
 The upshot is that I sense more fragility in the system than at almost
 any
 time in the 23 years that I've been visiting or living in China. Party
 officials say they feel it, too, and I think that's why the leadership
 is so
 reluctant to devalue the yuan: it doesn't want to risk factory
 closures, job
 losses and unrest.
 
 These protests are becoming a part of daily life. When I was outside
 the No.
 2 Intermediate People's Court in Beijing, as my Times colleague Zhao
 Yan was
 being tried inside on trumped-up charges of leaking state secrets, a
 cluster
 of peasants appeared with red banners denouncing the seizure of their
 land.
 They pushed a wheelchair-bound 80-year-old, who was savvy enough to cry
 whenever a camera came near.
 
 ''We're just ordinary people with no power and no money,'' shouted the
 demonstration's leader, Jin Xinhua. ''There's nothing we can do but
 protest.''
 
 It's possible to see the rise of protests simply as the evolution of
 China
 into a more open society. Some in the Communist Party leadership have
 argued
 for following the Taiwanese model toward greater democracy, and one
 attraction for Beijing is that the Communists might well win free
 elections
 if they held them.
 
 But evolution doesn't seem to be President Hu Jintao's vision of the
 future;
 he's a man who has praised North Korea's political model.
 
 The basic problem for Mr. Hu is that the incentives have changed over
 the
 last half-dozen years, encouraging more challenges to the system. As
 one
 dissident told me, in the past getting in trouble would mean a 10-year
 term
 in prison, alone and forgotten. ''Now, if I go to prison,'' he said,
 ''I'll
 get out after a year, and I'll be a hero.''
 
 True, some people are sent to prison longer (like my colleague, Mr.
 Zhao),
 but few people seem much intimidated.
 
 ''I'm not worried,'' laughed Jiao Guobiao, a professor who was fired
 from
 Beijing University for writing scathing essays about the Communist
 Party --
 which he continues to write. ''If they want to arrest me, let 'em.''
 
 The upshot is a growing boldness spreading throughout the land. On this
 trip, a half-dozen people regaled me with stories about State Security
 (China's K.G.B.) giving them confidential warnings to toe the line --
 which
 they scoffed at.
 
 This boldness is significant because over the last half-century, the
 times
 when Chinese rose up to demand broad political change (1956, 1976,
 1986,
 1989) have not been the times they were most upset, but the times they
 were
 least scared. And now again, they're not very scared.
 
 So the country today reminds me of early 1989, before the Tiananmen
 protests, or of South Korea and Taiwan in the mid-1980's as citizens
 began
 defying the dictatorships in those places. All around China, from
 Thailand
 to Indonesia to Mongolia, rising incomes and education levels
 eventually led
 to major protests demanding more accountable government.
 
 I'm a believer in China, and I think it will end this century as the
 most
 important country in the world -- after a wild ride. For now, my
 premonition
 is that the ferment in China will grow, and that the long calm since
 Tiananmen may be coming to an end.
 
 
 
 作者:dck 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
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