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 对美国人的鼻祖用天花病毒屠杀印第安人资料的翻译 |
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heaven11
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作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org
资料引文在译文之上，其中资料的来源在引文中包含但没有翻译
Conclusion
All in all, the letters provided here remove all doubt about the validity of the stories about Lord Jeff and germ warfare. The General's own letters sustain the stories.
As to whether the plans actually were carried out, Parkman has this to say:
... in the following spring, Gershom Hicks, who had been among the Indians, reported at Fort Pitt that the small-pox had been raging for some time among them....
An additional source of Trent's entry for May 24, 1763, includes the following statement:
... we gave them two Blankets and an Handkerchief out of the Small Pox Hospital. I hope it will have the desired effect.
总之，这里提供的这封信抹去人们关于lord Jeff 和生物战争故事的有效性的所有怀疑。 这位将军的私人信件同样支持这样的故事：
在下一个春季，Gershom Hicks， 他已经混于印第安人中间，在Fort Pitt报道到天花已经在印第安人中间肆虐一段时间了。
另一个资料来源是 Journal of William Trent, 在这个期刊中有着对当时被围攻期间的那些焦急的日日夜夜的最详细的记述。 Trent 在1763年5月24日的进入有着如下的记录：
我们给了他们两张毛毯和一个手帕，它们都来自于天花医院。 我希望他会取得我们渴望的效果。
Notes
2. The depiction of Indians as wild beasts was quite common among early American leaders, including George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. David E. Stannard writes: 'As is so often the case, it was New England's religious elite who made the point more graphically than anyone. Referring to some Indians who had given offense to the colonists, the Reverend Cotton Mather wrote: "Once you have but got the Track of those Ravenous howling Wolves, then pursue them vigourously; Turn not back till they are consumed… Beat them small as the Dust before the Wind." Lest this be regarded as mere rhetoric, empty of literal intent, consider that another of New England's most esteemed religious leaders, the Reverend Solomon Stoddard, as late as 1703 formally proposed to the Massachusetts Governor that the colonists be given the financial wherewithal to purchase and train large packs of dogs "to hunt Indians as they do bears."' [American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press (1992)), p. 241]
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将印第安人描述成为野兽这在早期的美国人领袖里很普遍， 这些人有乔治华盛顿，托马斯杰弗逊这些美国先驱者。 David E. Stannard 写道: 这样的情况非常常见，正是新英格兰的宗教精英们在这一点上比任何人都刻画得栩栩如生。比如对于那些冒犯殖民主义者的印第安人，尊敬的Cotton Mather牧师写道:一旦你找到了那些贪婪的嚎叫的狼的踪迹，就要穷追不舍地追踪他们，直到他们被消亡你才能转身返回。 打击它们，它们弱小得就像风中之尘。 未免你认为这些仅仅只是空洞文字猜测和花言巧语，那就再看看另一个最尊敬的新英格兰宗教领袖， Solomon Stoddard， 在迟至1703年向马塞诸塞总督正式建议道：应该给殖民主义者财政资助，以便让他们能够购买和训练大量的狗像猎熊一样去猎取印第安人。
Additional Sources of Information
1. Medical information
A mild form of smallpox virus, Variola minor (also called alastrim), is transmitted by inhalation and is communicable for 3-7 days. The more serious smallpox virus, Variola major, is transmitted both by inhalation and by contamination; it is communicable by inhalation for 9-14 days and by contamination for several years in a dried state. For further medical information, see Donald A. Henderson, et al., "Smallpox as a Biological Weapon: Medical and Public Health Management," Journal of the American Medical Association Vol. 281 No. 22 (June 9, 1999).
Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), also discusses the question of communicability:
Among Class I agents, Variola major holds a unique position. Although the virus is most frequently transmitted through droplet infection, it can survive for a number of years outside human hosts in a dried state (Downie 1967; Upham 1986). As a consequence, Variola major can be transmitted through contaminated articles such as clothing or blankets (Dixon 1962). In the nineteenth century, the U.S. Army sent contaminated blankets to Native Americans, especially Plains groups, to control the Indian problem (Stearn and Stearn 1945). [p. 148]
在一类传染病中，天花有着独特的位置。虽然这一病毒通常都是通过体液传染，但是这一病毒可以在离开人体后的干燥环境中生存许多年，结果，天花病毒可以有被病毒污染的介质比如衣服和毛毯传染 (Dixon 1962)， 在19世纪，美国军队送这些被污染的毛毯给土著美国人，特别是平原部落，以控制印第安人问题（ Stearn and Stearn 1945). [p. 148]
Abraham B. Bergman, et al., "A Political History of the Indian Health Service" (undated draft manu???? at http://www.sihb.org/ihs27.html (visited 4 DEC 02)), comments on the birth of the Indian Health Service:
Federal health services for Indians began under War Department auspices in the early 1800's. At that time the Federal Indian policy was primarily one of military containment. As early as 1802 Army physicians took emergency measures to curb contagious diseases among Indian tribes in the vicinity of military posts. The first large scale smallpox vaccination of Indians was authorized by Congress in 1832, probably launched more to protect US soldiers than to benefit Indians. [unpaginated; quoted with permission from the author and the Seattle Indian Health Board]
针对印第安人的联邦健康服务在18世纪由战争部门资助展开。当时的对印第安人政策主要是军事遏制的一种策略。早在 1802， 军医就采取了紧急措施控制邻近军事站点附近的印第安人部落里传染病的扩散。第一次大规模地对印第安人接种天花疫苗在 1832年由国会通过，很大可能是出于保护美国士兵而不是让印第安受利的目的
2. Social and Political Effects of Disease
E. Wagner Stearn & Allen E. Stearn, The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindian (Boston: Bruce Humphries (1945)), point out the social-political effects of smallpox:
Smallpox, which was introduced into the mainland of the Americas in the early part of the sixteenth century, not only decimated the native population for four centuries, but so demoralized the tribes through the terror it spread among them that it has been considered by many authorities to have been an important factor in their comparatively easy subjugation by the whites. Before the advent of the white man tribal warfare and, at times, famine made the chief inroads on the native population, but during the period of exploration and settlement the diseases of the white man, new to the native, caused terrific havoc. It is claimed that Haiti (Espanola) alone lost two-thirds of its population in the three years of Columbus's conquest, during the years 1492-1495. The two to three hundred inhabitants had quickly fallen prey not only to ruthless conquest but to a variety of infectious diseases. [p. 13]
天花，在16世纪早期传播至美洲大陆，不仅大量杀害了土著人长达 4个世纪，而且由天花传播产生的恐怖打击了部落的信仰和信心，这一点被当时很多的地方政府认为是很重要的，它帮助了白人相对容易建立了统治。在白 人部落战争出现之前，对土著人口来说主要危险来至于时不时的饥荒，而随着白人疾病的开拓和定居（于美国大陆），这些对土著人全新的疾病造成了巨大的破坏。据认为仅仅在海地 (Espanola)2/3的人口就在哥伦布征服的3年中死去，即 1492-1495。这些居民不仅被强迫接受无情的征服还有多种多样的传染病。
Harold Napoleon, Yuuyaraq: the Way of the Human Being, with commentary, edited by Eric Madsen (Fairbanks, Alaska: University of Alaska, College of Rural Alaska, Center for Cross-Cultural Studies (1991)), states that epidemics caused a form of post-traumatic stress disorder and social collapse:
Compared to the span of life of a culture, the Great Death was instantaneous. The Yup'ik world was turned upside down, literally overnight. Out of the suffering, confusion, desperation, heartbreak, and trauma was born a new generation of Yup'ik people. They were born into shock. They woke to a world in shambles, many of their people and their beliefs strewn around them, dead. In their minds they had been overcome by evil. Their medicines and their medicine men and women had proven useless. Everything they had believed in had failed. Their ancient world had collapsed.
与一种文化生命的跨度相比，大规模的死亡是一瞬间的。阿斯基摩人的世界几乎在一夜之间被颠倒。除了痛苦，新一代爱斯基摩人生来就面对混乱，绝望，难忍的悲伤和伤害。他们一生下来就进入了震撼。他们在屠宰厂里醒来面对世界，在这里许多人和他们的信仰都已经死去。在他们的意识里，他们过去被邪恶所征服。他们的医药和负责医药的男人女人全无用处，他们相信的每个东西都已经失败，他们的古老世界已经彤塌。
From their innocence and from their inability to understand and dispel the disease, guilt was born into them. They had witnessed mass death—evil—in unimaginable and unacceptable terms. These were the men and women orphaned by the sudden and traumatic death of the culture that had given them birth. They would become the first generation of modern-day Yup'ik. [p. 11]
…
由于他们（传染病历史上的）清白以及无法理解和治疗疾病，罪恶就这样被带给他们。他们目睹了大规模的死亡，这一罪恶，无法想象和不可接受。这些男人和女人由于带给他们生命的文化的突然致命性的死亡，他们忽然之间就变成了孤儿，成为第一代现代 Yupik
The survivors taught almost nothing about the old culture to their children. It was as if they were ashamed of it, and this shame they passed on to their children by their silence and by allowing cultural atrocities to be committed against their children. The survivors also gave up all governing power of the villages to the missionaries and school teachers, whoever was most aggressive. There was no one to contest them. In some villages the priest had displaced the angalkuq. In some villages there was theocracy under the benevolent dictatorship of a missionary. The old guardians of Yuuyaraq on the other hand, the angalkuq, if they were still alive, had fallen into disgrace. They had become a source of shame to the village, not only because their medicine and Yuuyaraq had failed, but also because the missionaries now openly accused them of being agents of the devil himself and of having led their people into disaster. [pp. 13-14]
幸存者不能教给他们的孩子关于古老文化的任何东西，就好像他们耻于如此，通过他们的沉默和对他们孩子的文化伤害的默认，他们将这种羞愧也传递给下一代。幸存者放弃了村庄里的所有统治权力，将其交给传教士和学校教师，无论这些人是如此具有侵略性。没有人和他们争论。在有些村庄，牧师代替了 angalkuq， 另一些村庄是军事专政下的慈善的神权。 Angalkuq， Yuuyara的古老卫兵，如果还存活就掉入了耻辱的境地。他们已经成为村庄羞辱的来源之一，不仅因为他们的医药的失败，而且传教士现在公开谴责他们是邪恶的代言人并将他们的人民带入灾难。
3. Other writers on Amherst and smallpox，
A. Elizabeth A. Fenn, "Biological Warfare in Eighteenth-Century North America: Beyond Jeffrey Amherst," Journal of American History vol. 86, no. 4 (March, 2000), pp. 1552-1580:
Our preoccupation with Amherst has kept us from recognizing that accusations of what we now call biological warfare—the military use of smallpox in particular—arose frequently in eighteenth-century America. Native Americans, moreover, were not the only accusers. By the second half of the century, many of the combatants in America's wars of empire had the knowledge and technology to attempt biological warfare with the smallpox virus. Many also adhered to a code of ethics that did not constrain them from doing so. Seen in this light, the Amherst affair becomes not so much an aberration as part of a larger continuum in which accusations and discussions of biological warfare were common, and actual incidents may have occurred more frequently than scholars have previously acknowledged. [p. 1553]
我们关于Amherst故事的先天偏见，阻碍了我们对18 世纪美国经常发生的我们现称之为的生物战争的承认---将天花病毒特别用于军事目的。然而土著美国人不是唯一的控告者。在那个世纪的第二个半叶前，在美洲许多战争中的战士都有用天花病毒进行生物战的知识和技术。许多人所信仰的道德规范并不能使他们自制而不去做这样的罪恶。从这一点来说， Amherst的问题在一个更大的背景下并不反常，这个背景就是当时对生物战争的讨论和谴责如此普遍。而实际发生的还要超过学者们从前认识到的。
E. Mark Wheelis, "Biological warfare before 1914," in E. Geissler and J. Moon, Biological and Toxin Weapons: Research, Development and Use from the Middle Ages to 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 8-34:
[Historical events and records] suggest that the use of smallpox as a weapon may have been widely entertained by British military commanders, and may have been employed without scruple when opportunity offered, possibly on a number of occasions. [p. 29]
历史事件和记载都显示用天花作武器曾经被英军指挥官广泛接受过，而且一旦机会合适他们没有丝毫犹豫地去使用，可能发生过很多次。
作者：Anonymous 在 罕见奇谈 发贴, 来自 http://www.hjclub.org |
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